By Yezid Sayigh
Outfitted upon an exceptional quantity of entry to PLO records, professional courses, and the inner records of assorted guerrilla teams, in addition to over 400 interviews performed through the writer with the rank-and-file of the PLO, this groundbreaking booklet provides a definitive account of the Palestinian nationwide circulation. protecting completely the forty-five years among the institution of the kingdom of Israel in 1948 to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993, this research sheds a lot new mild at the historical past of the center East within the latter 1/2 the 20 th century.
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Extra resources for Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949-1993
It had equally significant implications for the development of national identity, which could not be embodied in a single, recognized body. 3* This is not to deny that opposition to British rule and the Zionist threat formed a powerful common bond. 34 It was subsumed within a broader anti-colonial patriotism, along with clan, place of origin, religion, and Arab (or pan-Syrian) ethnicity. 36 Leading members of the old elite, most prominent of whom was 'older politician' Musa Kazim al-Husayni, also welcomed union with other Arab provinces of the former Ottoman empire under the leadership of king Husayn of Hijaz, while 'younger politician' Amin al-Husayni similarly portrayed the Palestine problem as part of the wider Islamic cause.
Each state was to occupy a little under half the territory, leaving Jerusalem in an enclave under UN supervision. 9 For their part, the Palestinian leaders rejected the UN partition plan outright, refusing to sign away the right to sovereignty over any part of the country. 10 Arab-Jewish confrontation was now inevitable. The British moved largely to the sidelines following the UN vote, and reduced their military contingent in anticipation of the end of the mandate on 15 May 1948. Zionist forces and Palestinian mujahidin meanwhile waged a bitter contest for control over the main communications routes.
The USSR, for its part, generally sought a balance between its commitment to the Jewish right to self-determination and its desire for friendly relations with the Arab states. Aware of the mutual hostility of the two communities in Palestine, and given its own desire to hasten British withdrawal from the region, it initially favoured international trusteeship or, failing that, submission of the problem to the UN. During the UN General Assembly debate in November 1947, special Soviet representative Andrei Gromyko professed a preference for a 'bi-national or federated state of Jews and Arabs in Palestine', but also indicated that partition might be acceptable in the circumstance.