By T. Villis
Drawing considerably at the recommendations and phrases of Catholic writers and cultural commentators, Villis sheds new gentle on non secular id and political extremism in early twentieth-century Britain. The booklet constitutes a entire learn of how within which British Catholic groups reacted to fascism either at domestic and in a foreign country.
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Additional resources for British Catholics and Fascism: Religious Identity and Political Extremism Between the Wars
However, it would on the surface seem to be difﬁcult to equate Barnes’s Catholicism with this wholehearted embrace of fascism. Although fascism and religion shared an insistence on the importance of the spiritual instinct, the end to which this instinct was directed was seen to be radically different even by religious admirers of fascism. Barnes, however, deliberately foregrounded his Catholicism in his interpretation of fascism, and much of his writing sought to demonstrate the compatibility between the two.
Many other Catholic thinkers looked forward to this end even if they rejected Barnes’s means. As such he was a more extreme variant of a general cultural malaise. Before examining this more general cultural revolt, however, it is important to assess how the ofﬁcial hierarchy of the Church dealt with the question of fascism at home and abroad. 2 The Hierarchy Cardinal Hinsley, Archbishop of Westminster from 1935 to 1943, had a difﬁcult role shepherding the social and political views of his ﬂock in the 1930s.
Gosling, editor of Sower; the sculptor Eric Gill and Monica Whately the campaigner for women’s rights. Hinsley claimed this was a ‘violent attack’ which showed ‘both lack of discrimination and judgement and lack of loyalty’, and he bemoaned the ‘credulity given to Red propaganda’. 12 Such evidence suggests that Hinsley was virtually a propagandist for the Nationalist cause. However, he also self-aware enough to realise that such overt politicisation of his Church was neither popular nor desirable.