By Berthold Rittberger

Why have the nationwide governments of european member states successively endowed the eu Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers over the last fifty years? Building Europe's Parliament sheds new mild in this pivotal factor, and offers an incredible contribution to the research of the ecu Parliament.

Rittberger develops a conception of delegation to consultant associations in foreign politics which mixes parts of democratic concept and diversified strands of institutionalist concept. to check the plausibility of his idea, Rittberger attracts on broad archival fabric and provides theory-guided, in-depth case reviews of 3 landmark judgements within the heritage of the eu Parliament: the production of the typical meeting of the ECSC in 1951 and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the quasi-executive excessive Authority; the delegation of budgetary powers following the signing of the Treaty of Luxembourg in 1970; and the delegation of legislative powers caused by the adoption of the only eu Act signed in 1986. this can be via the charting of more moderen key advancements, culminating within the adoption of the Constitutional Treaty in 2004.

The e-book presents a great addition to the literature on institutional layout by way of reflecting at the stipulations less than which governments decide upon the production and empowerment of parliamentary associations in overseas politics. It additionally makes a worthy contribution to the applying of democratic thought to the learn of the eu Union through demonstrating that political elites shared the view that the hot supranational polity which emerged from the particles of global battle II suffered from "democratic deficit" on the grounds that its inception, hence disproving the declare that the lamented "democratic deficit" is a contemporary phenomenon.

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E. e. e. 4 From a sociological institutionalist perspective, when would we then expect political actors to push for the creation and empowerment of the EP? For instance, we could expect isomorphic processes to be induced by a mismatch between commonly shared standards of legitimate democratic governance—founded on the principle of representative, parliamentary democracy—and the system of governance of the EU: since member states may perceive of the EU’s governance functions as ‘state-like’, the EU system of governance falls short of conforming to the standard of parliamentary democracy which EU member states subscribe to.

1, I argue that the democratic deficit, as it is perceived by political elites, can be understood as an asymmetric combination of procedural and consequentialist legitimacy. Throughout the history of political order, legitimacy has been a multi-dimensional concept, composed of different combinations of beliefs in tradition, value-rationality or means-ends calculations. I argue that the notion of democratic legitimacy—founded on a combination of procedural and consequentialist legitimacy—is of rather recent origin.

2 lists the number of articles published in academic journals per year containing the terms ‘democratic legitimacy’ or 18 IGC on EMU&PU 1990 Laeken Declaration 2001 16 Number of FT articles 14 Maastricht 1991 12 Amsterdam 1997 10 8 Delors Plan 1989 Nice 2000 1998 1999 1992 1994 DTC 2003 1996 6 2002 4 IGC onSEA 2 1985 1986 1987 1988 0 1993 1995 Fig. 1 FT newspaper articles on EU/EC’s ‘democratic deficit’ Source: Lexis Nexis, Executive News Service TH E N EW IN ST I TU TI ON ALI SM A ND DE MOC RA T IC T H EO RY 16 29 2002 14 Number of articles 12 2003 2001 10 8 1999 1995 6 1998 1994 4 1997 2000 1992 1993 2 1991 1989 1990 0 1996 Fig.

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